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I can think of two possible origins of "progressive" as an ideology. First, Theodore Roosevelt’s “Progressive Party,” which was founded on egalitarian principles in 1912. The second comes from economics: a “progressive” tax is a tax scheme that burdens in the wealthy more heavily than a proportional tax. These two uses are consistent, and this etymology speaks to the unifying progressive principle: active egalitarianism.

In America, two major principles have emerged as touchstones for egalitarian progress. The first comes from the 18th to the late 19th century, the equality of opportunity. That principle accepted inequality of income, health, and other circumstances as natural but maintained that people of low-status could rise to the top through industry. Abraham Lincoln, before his first inauguration, said that that the principle that held the union together was the promise that “all should have an equal chance.” This principle was appropriate for a nation that was largely agrarian and in which an empire of land lay unexploited, cheaply available on the frontier.

Three constraints ultimately limited the upward mobility of Americans. First, owing to new technology and larger markets, the scale of American industry expanded dramatically with the rise of the steel, railroad, and oil industries and new workers could no longer expect to one day own their businesses. Second, increased immigration from Europe lowered wages in cities. Most importantly, the Frontier was declared closed in the 1890s and with that went the once infinite source of possibility--the West, which had enabled opportunity for centuries. Equality of opportunity was a false promise shortly after the civil war.

These constraints gave raise to a new principle whose touchstone was equality of condition rather than of opportunity: this was the birth of the progressive movement, in my mind. Greater equality of conditions was largely to be achieved through government policy (restricting child labor, limiting the work week, restricting immigration, and strengthening unions). Income was also to be transferred from the rich to the poor through progressive income tax. Abraham Lincoln signed Revenue Act of 1862, which instituted the first federal income tax--before being overturned by the Supreme Court some thirty years later. William Jennings Bryan and his Populist Party fought for a more progressive income tax in the late 1890s, Theodore Roosevelt founded the Progressive Party (Bull Moose Party) in the election of 1912, and in 1913 Congress passed the 16th Amendment, which enabled a non-apportioned federal income tax.

The progressive movement’s legacy is not simply an emphasis on redistribution; it was the realization that the old ethos did not work for the modern economy. So to me, what distinguishes a progressive is not the lonely and simple goal of “more redistribution” to the extent of the modern welfare state (that’s not Theodore Roosevelt’s Progressivism), nor even a strict defense of equality of condition. Rather unifying principle is an adapted notion of egalitarianism that recognizes that the promise of equality of opportunity will no longer be fulfilled by an abundance of wealth and capital beyond the frontier. Rather, the state must actively enable equality of opportunities.

More recently, the older, do-it-yourself version of egalitarianism has come back to favor, enabled by a marriage of convenience between a wealthy elite who are not interested in egalitarianism, and a coalition of evangelicals whose faith emphasizes personal responsibility. All I can say for the former group is that their politics are consistent with their interests. As for latter, who have become the most powerful political coalition in American politics, their emphasis on personal responsibility is based on the insane and willfully-dishonest notion that equal opportunity is possible without government support. The most important plank of progressive ideology rejects this laissez-faire approach to egalitarianism.

 


Comments

Tue, 11 Nov 2008 11:58:41

For Rawls, equality of opportunity is important, but not sufficient, since our lot in life, whether nature or nurture, is largely determinant of our ability to take advantage of opportunities we receive. One of his rules of justice -- that the wealthiest not be benefited at the expense of the least wealthy -- seems like an explicit equality of condition rule. So maybe it's a mixture of equality of opportunity rules with equality of condition firewalls that's necessary ...

 

Tue, 11 Nov 2008 14:59:52

Walter, I really like what you've said here, the notion that constraints caused by the US crossing certain developmental milestones pushed government to reinterpret the concept of equality in terms of economy and law. By choosing to "actively enable equality of opportunities" in response a change in the material conditions of the society, I wonder if it might be fair to call this "re-active"? By the end of my prompt response, I was developing the idea that what might be key to the notion of progressivism is government reflexivity. I wonder if you would agree.

 

Tue, 11 Nov 2008 23:59:02

Nathan,
I disagree that Rawls (by this line of reasoning, at least) is calling for equality of condition: Wealth is hardly a zero-sum game, at least in this country and at least in most incarnations. Growth is motivated by profit, and without that motive I believe aggregate wealth would wain. I suppose the more complex argument for wealth coming at the expense of the poor would be a Marxist critique to the role of and returns to capital: the notion that capital owners are abusing labor by extracting so much for 'nothing'. I am curious as to whether you believe that wealth generally comes at the expense of the least wealthy?

But I agree with your general point that equality of opportunity is not enough to Rawls: that behild the hypothetical veil of ignorance we might elect an even more egalitarian standard because our ability to make the best the equal opportunities will be randomized--and to someone who is risk averse, this could be undesirable.
Though, I think a true Rawlsian (and I don't think Rawls ever took this step) who was concerned with the high-risk proposition of coming into the world would be far more concerned not about the income distribution within the US--but would be far more concerned with the relatively unlikely chance of birth into the US and the comparatively likely chance of birth into a world of extreme poverty in the Third World. I know that Rawls has no room for quantifying probabilities, but I think it helps make a point about priorities.


 

Thu, 13 Nov 2008 07:02:44

Walter, Definitely agreed that Rawls is not calling for equality of condition. Income inequality is necessary, at a minimum, to motivate more productive people to work longer/harder. And definitely agree that wealth does not come from the impoverishment of the poor in all cases. Aaaand, definitely agree that Rawlsians should look beyond the US, and that there's probably a good case for drastically increasing foreign aid and investment.

To answer your question, I definitely do not think wealth comes at the expense of the poor in all cases. My point was only to try and expand the view of the progressive legacy into more recent progressive thinking. If anything, Rawls supports your point that the progressive legacy is more complex than simple redistribution.

 



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